Iran's Policy Towards the United States
by Ambassador Mahmoud Foroughi
Symposium on Iran - Washington D.C. October 1977
The Institute for International, Political and Economic Studies -
Teheran
and Stanford Research Center
An adequate discussion of Iranian foreign policy should take into account the context and the bases of the policy as a whole. The foreign' policy of any vigilant country may be understood and assessed in terms of its national objectives and capabillties, bereft of platitudes, wishful thinking, and moralization. I shall attempt to explain the national objectives of Iran and the bases of Iran's foreign policy, both in its general context and with respect to the United States. These interests and objectives have been openly proclaimed and are being openly pursued by the Iranian government.
From the viewpoint of Iranian foreign policy in general, two phenomena have been most outstanding. First, the unique geographic location of Iran - at the crossroads of the East and West and between the Eurasian land mass to the north and the ice-free waters of the Persian Gulf, the Gulf of Oman, and the Arabian Sea to the south - provides the basic explanation for centuries of migrations, warfare, depredations, and conquests on the Iranian plateau. Of course, in modern times the discovery of oil in the Persian Gulf basin has greatly augmented the strategic significance of Iran. Second, for centuries the rulers of Iran, with few exceptions, have striven to maintain the independence of the country despite the difficulties created by geographic location.
Consequently, Iran, confronted since the latter half of the eighteenth century by Anglo-Russian encroachments and domination, gradually assumed a special direction in its international relations and foreign policy - to gain the support of any effective third power as a counterweight against Great Britain and czarist Russia. Early in the nineteenth century, Iran had looked to France and other European powers for help, and towards the middle of that century to America, the "disinterested and distant" power in the New World.
These frantic efforts by Iran to preserve its integrity and independence were unsuccessful until after World War I when the United States became interested in Iranian oil resources. Prior to that, the third powers had been too realistic to entangle themselves in the powerful Anglo-Russian stranglehold over Iran. Incidentally, some writers who disparage this aspect of Iranian diplomacy as "machinations" and "oriental intrigue," do less than justice to historical truth. The depredations of Britain and Russia had given Iran sufficient cause to reach for any straw, though the efforts remained fruitless for a long time.
THE FOUNDATIONS OF IRAN'S FOREIGN POLICY
The Iranian nation today derives its inspiration from the Achaemenian empire for the motivations and drives of its political, economic, and social development. As in Achaemenian times, the national objectives of present-day Iran are politico-economic in content with a cosmopolitan outlook. iranian foreign policy, reflecting that content and outlook, is nationalist in purpose and independent in character. It is founded fai~thfully and solidly on the purposes and principles of the United Nations' Charter. Its immutable aim is to safeguard the political and territorial integrity of the country, proinote the soci~conomic well-being of the nation, and contribute towards t!~e maintenance of international peace and security.
Any discerning analysis of Iran's foreign policy must take into account two basic facts. First, the policy is planned, formulated,and conducted under tle personal direction of His Imperial Majesty the Shahanshah, with appropriate responsibilities for the legislative and executive branches of the government.
Second, during the past decade foreign policy has been kept under constant review and adjustment. It has been expanded in scope and coordinated with the economic plans and military requirements of the nation. As a result of this dynamic and purposeful coordination, the stability and prosperity of the nation have grown remarkably.
Implementing the policy - The objectives and bases of Iran's independent foreign policy may be better understood and assessed by citing several examples of its application:
(1) Under the U.N. Charter, Iran is unalterably opposed to the use of force in international questions and disputes and to the retention of other peoples' territories. Accordingly, Iran supports the Arab cause in the Arab-Israeli conflict and all the relevant resolutions of the United Nations;
(2) Iran has maintained good relations with all peace-loving states and has contributed materially to good-neighborly relations with the countries in the region;
(3) Iran initiated measures to improve its relations with the Soviet Union when, on 15 September 1962, it assured the Soviet government that it would not grant any foreign nation the right of possessing any kind of rocket bases on Iranian soil. Since then, Soviet-Iranian relations and mutual cooperation have been substantially improved and expanded.
(4) Cordial and mutually beneficial relations have been established with the Peoples' Republic of China; and
(5) The outstanding feature of Iranian policy during the past decade has been the increasing attention which Iran has devoted to the affairs of the Persian Gulf and the strengthening of the defenses of the region. This aspect of Iranian foreign policy needs further explanation for it is governed by considerations of vital national and international concern.
The Persian Gulf, the Straits of Hormuz, and the Sea of Oman not only constitute the southern borders of the country but also form the very artery through which pass the entirety of Iran's oil exports as well as most of its key imports. Moreover, 74 percent of the Furopean and 85 percent of the Japanese crude oil re(luirements pass through those waters.
It is not suprising, therefore, that the thrust of Iranian foreign policy is directed towards the maintenance of stability in the Persian Gulf and the freedom and safety of unmolested international commerce and shipping, without denying in the least the legitimate rights of the other littoral states. Ilowever, Iran has repeatedly declared that it will not tolerate any subversive activity which might endanger the security of the Straits of Hormuz or the freedom of navigation for international commerce in the Persian Gulf and the Sea of Oman.
Building a strong military Within this context, His Imperial Majesty had intended to strengthen Iran's military capabilities as early as 1959-60. In 1 965, when the government adopted legislation to strengthen the Iranian armed forces, His Majesty declared that the future military planning of the country would be based on the Persian Gulf rather than the northern frontier. Lven before January 1968, when Britain announced finally that its forces would be withdrawn from the Persian Gulf in December 1971, the Iranian government had already started to ensure the security of the basin. The Iraniaji armed forces were progressively strengthened and expanded, both in operational technology as well as armaments and facilities.
The principal naval base was transferred from Khorramshahr to Bandar Abbas where major port facilities were also developed for handling expanded international commerce. Construction of a large new base for the three armed services was started at Chah Bahar near the Pakistan border and the Sea of Oman. All these measures, including the military assistance given by Iran to the government of Oman for the suppression of the Dhofar rebellion, are related to the maintenance of security in the region. In addition to its own efforts to ensure the security of the Persian Gulf, Iran has endeavored to bring about mutual cooperation among the littoral countries. His Majesty has dedared that the states bordering the Persian Gulf alone should be responsible for its security without outside interference and that they should organize a system of mutual assistance.
Iran has made special efforts to improve relations with the Persian Gulf states. Agreements have been reached on the delineation of the continental shelf. In 1970, Iran relinquished its long~stablished claims over Bahrain Islands, through the procedures of the U.N. Security Council and on the basis of the principle of self~determination. This gesture was warrnly welcomed by the countries concerned.
Furthermore, the relations between Iran and Iraq had been strained since the late 1950s over several questions, principally that of the Shatt al-Arab. Relations became more tense in November 1971 when Iran reoccupied the islets of Abu Musa and the two Tunbs to which it had historic claims. Iraq severed diplomatic relations with both Britain and Iran, began a systematic expulsion of Iranian nationals from its territory, and submitted the question to the U.N. Security Council. However, the differences were resolved pursuant to the agreement reached in March 1975, through the good offices of the president of Algeria. Relations with Iraq are much improved; the solution of these problems already has had a salutary effect on the affairs of the region.
Another area of serious concern for Iran is the southeastern border of the country near Pakistan's province of Baluchistan where an endemic separatist movement constitutes a threat to the security of the Persian Gulf. Shortly after the Ind~Pakistan war and the separation of East Pakistan in December 1971, His Imperial Majesty declared that a similar separatist development in West Pakistan would pose grave problems f6r Iran. Since then the Iranian government has taken measures to strengthen Pakistan in its policy of resisting separatism in Baluchistan and the Northwest Province. Iran has contributed towards a lowering of tensions between India and Pakistan and between Pakistan and Afghanistan. It has also given substantial economic assistance to these countries.
Under the circumstances sketched above, the security of the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf have assumed increasing importance for Iran. The Shahanshah has proposed that the Indian Ocean region should remain free of superpower rivalry and be declared a nuclear-free zone. At the same time, it is realized that if one superpower continues with its activities in the region, the other superpower can hardly be expected to remain outside. Also, Iran has suggested a plan for the establishment of a common market for the region as a whole, which is being considered by the riparian states concerned.